Scientific Institutions and Education (1750+)

Why is the list of countries renowned for their scientific advancements and achievements so short? Despite the racist theories of Social Darwinists and others, Western Europe, the United States, and Japan do not have a disproportionate number of natural-born geniuses compared to the rest of the world. They do, however, have very well developed infrastructures for the production and promulgation of scientific knowledge, systems that have proven decisive in their ability to dominate--politically, economically, and culturally--other nations. The conquests facilitated by these infrastructures allow these scientific hegemons to become even wealthier and invest further in scientific research and education while the people they exploit are usually left without the necessary resources to build adequate infrastructures of their own. Thus, as in many other aspects of colonialism (both political and economic), the rich get richer and develop even more advanced science while the subjugated nations fall further behind.

New scientific ideas can emerge Athena-like from the heads of brilliant women and men, but scientific research and development have come to rely largely on institutions with the funding, staff, and instruments necessary to conduct controlled experiments. Similarly, history has many examples of self-taught scientists (like Sor Juana), but the vast majority of successful chemists, engineers, and doctors have been trained in colleges and universities specializing in these fields. The challenges of developing a foundation for science without these centers of research and education are almost insurmountable.

Since the mid eighteenth century, though, countries throughout Latin America have struggled to overcome the manifold obstacles of creating a scientific tradition more or less ex nullius. Spain's Bourbon monarchs sought to revitalize their New World empire by instituting enlightened scientific practices and creoles in the early independence period hoped to build on this foundation. Their emphasis, though, was on creating centers for teaching applied science--also known as the useful arts-- and forsaking general research in the basic sciences.

In the late colonial era, European specialists and books taught how to use engineering, metallurgy, and botany to produce new sources of wealth. Spanish bureaucrats hoped that technical education would augment revenue from its colonies and invigorate its waning empire, yet creole elites soon began using their newfound knowledge of applied science in an effort to improve life in the colonies themselves. Throughout the nineteenth century, Latin America developed several institutions for disseminating the useful arts, such as Colombia's National School of Mines (seen in the sources), and applied knowledge has remained central to scientific education in Latin America.

It would not be until the late nineteenth century that Latin American countries began to make a concerted effort to develop centers of scientific research and universities focusing on research science. Many of the earliest efforts, like Brazil's Escola Tropicalista Bahiana and Costa Rica's Instituto Fisico-Geografico Nacional, failed due to lack of recognition or lack of funding but, by the 1930s, centers of scientific excellence had become established from Argentina to Mexico in an impressive variety of fields. In Brazil, the Oswaldo Cruz Institute fought epidemic diseases, the lab work of Argentine physiologist Bernardo Houssay earned him a Nobel Prize, and the University of Mexico became a national center of scientific research, education, and intellectual life in general. Latin American institutions have even been on the forefront of new scientific disciplines. Peruvian Carlos Monge-Medrano's work on the effects of high altitudes led to the foundation of the Instituto de Biologia y Patologia Andina and Cuba's cutting edge work in biotechnology has led to scores of new scientific centers on that island.

These Latin American institutions and scientists, however, are still inextricably tied to the world's scientific hegemons, especially the United States. Research centers like Houssay's Institute of Experimental Biology and Monge's Institute of Andean Biology were partially funded by U.S. philanthropic groups, especially the Rockefeller Foundation. According to historian Marcos Cueto, the RF was able to have a significant influence on how Latin Americans practiced science by providing U.S. equipment and, through fellowships, training many Latin American researchers in the U.S. and, thus, in U.S. lab styles. Furthermore, many of Latin America's most gifted and well educated scientists are being drawn to the U.S. by the promise of better laboratories and much higher funding. This "brain drain" is depriving Latin America of the experts needed to perpetuate a still-developing scientific infrastructure. Illustrative of this is that, with the exception of the Argentines Houssay and Leloir, all other Latin Americans to win Nobel Prizes in science worked in European or U.S. institutions.

Solid foundations in both the applied and basic sciences are necessary for a country to "modernize" and become more self-reliant. Yet this goal can be nearly impossible for developing nations. The economies of many Latin American countries are based on mono-crop agriculture, an unstable basis that cannot provide consistent funding for research and development. Without research, developing nations are forced to purchase advanced technologies from the very countries that have long exploited their material resources and, in so doing, are perpetuating the neocolonial relationships that slowed their development in the first place. High quality educational and research centers are necessary for Latin American science to dig out of this rut and to earn recognition among the scientific centers of the world.

Questions for further exploration:

1. Consider any research center in the sources. What does it have in common with successful scientific institutions in the U.S.? What is different? And how do these factors effect how research is done there?

2. Read the article by Carlos Monge-Medrano. How is his work, including results and methods, influenced by nationalism?

3. Why have certain Latin American institutions continued to thrive while many others were short lived? Draw on as many examples from the sources as possible.

4. Centers of scientific excellence are almost always involved with the basic, not applied, sciences. Consider some Latin American institutions specializing in the useful arts and argue whether they can or cannot be counted among Latin America's excellent scientific establishments.

5. What criteria are used to judge "success" and "failure" for research institutions in developing countries? Do you think these criteria are appropriate?

Further reading:

Cueto, Marcos. "Labratory Styles and Argentine Physiology." Isis. 85 (1994): 228-246.

Cueto, Marcos. Excelencia cientifica en la periferia: actividades cientificas e investigacion biomedica en el Peru, 1890-1950. Lima: Concytec, 1989.

Fortes, Jacqueline and Larissa Lomintz. Becoming a Scientist in Mexico: the Challenge of Creating a Scientific Community in an Underdeveloped Country. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1994.

Glick, Thomas F. "Establishing scientific disciplines in Latin America: genetics in Brazil, 1943-1960." in Mundializacion de la ciencia. pg. 363-375.

Murray, Pamela. Dreams of Development: Colombia's National School of Mines and its Engineers, 1887-1970. Tuscaloosa: the University of Alabama Press, 1997.

Safford, Frank. The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976.

Schwartzman, Simon. A Space for Science: The Development of the Scientific Community in Brazil. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991.

Vessuri, Hebe M.C. "The Search for a Scientific Community in Venezuela: From Isolation to Applied Research." Minerva. 22 (1984): 196-235.

Vessuri, Hebe. "Bitter Harvest: The Growth of a Scientific Community in Argentina." In J. Gaillard, V.V. Krishna and R. Waast (eds) Scientific Communities in the Developing World. Part 3: Scientific Communities in Latin America. pp. 307-335. 

Vessuri, Hebe. "Science for the south in the south: exploring the role of local leadership as a catalyst of scientific development." In: Shinn, Terry ed. Science and Technology in a Developing World. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997. p. 299-321.

Stepan, Nancy Leys. Beginnings of Brazilian Science: Oswaldo Cruz, Medical Research and Policy, 1890-1920. Sagamore Beach, MA: Watson Publishing International, 1981.

Vessurri, Hebe. "Higher Education, Science and Engineering in Late 20th Century Latin America: Needs and Opportunities for Co-operation." European Journal of Education. 28: 1 (1993): 49-59.

Altitude Sickness

Date: 1929
Owner: Wellcome Library, London
Source Type: Images

 

The man pictured here suffered from polycythemia vera, one of several illnesses endemic in the high altitudes of the Andes that Peruvian doctor Carlos Monge-Medrano called chronic mountain sickness. In 1927, Monge led the first of his several expeditions into the Andean highlands to study the effects of high altitudes on human physiology, both in people from lesser heights attempting to acclimatize and in indigenous peoples who had lived at 10,000-15,000 feet for many generations. Chronic mountain sickness resulted from loss of acclimatization and though it was most frequent in travelers to the Andes, its symptoms did often occur among Andean natives (see Monge's article for more details on these conditions).

Whereas earlier expeditions to study Andean biology from the U.S. and Europe had found that indigenous peoples born at high altitudes were physically, mentally, and culturally underdeveloped, Monge and his team considered the physiology of Andeans to be superior to that of people raised at sea level. By conducting a variety of exercise-based tests, Monge came to the conclusion that Peruvian highlanders had adapted to their oxygen-deprived environment in ways that made them naturally more athletic than Peruvians from the coast. His science was thus a sort of national vindication and, by debunking the idea that sea-level physiology was "normal," created what amounted to a new field in science: high altitude biology.

In 1931, Monge and his team founded the Instituto de Biologia y Patologia Andina, the first institute of scientific research in Peru. The institute was created under the aegis of the faculty of medicine at San Marcos University, received financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation, and, in 1940, became a national institution. According to historian Marcos Cueto, the Institute of Andean Biology was a paradigm of scientific excellence in a region normally relegated to the "periphery" of the scientific world.  Unlike many Latin American centers of science, Monge's institute was led by local experts, could function without imported equipment, had research interests akin to and bolstering those of its own country, and had a specialized focus that attracted attention from wealthy countries (the U.S. worked with the institute on issues of altitude affecting pilots).

Reference:  Cueto, Marcos. "Andean Biology in Peru: Scientific Styles on the Periphery." In Isis, vol. 80, no.4. (Dec. 1989), p. 640-658.
   
CITATION: Malade de l'observation--Polycythemia Vera associated with altitude sickness. From Les erythremies de l'atitute: leurs rapports avec la maladie de Vaquez etude physiologique et pathologique. Paris: Masson, 1929. Credit: Wellcome Library, London. L0041058.

DIGITAL ID: 13072

 

Biological Research

Date: 1943
Owner: Ariel Barrios Medina
Source Type: Images

 

This photograph shows a laboratory in Argentina's Instituto de Biologia y Medicina Experimental (IBME), an institute founded in 1943 by prominent physiologists who had been forced out of their university positions (and, at times, imprisoned) by Argentina's authoritarian government for promoting democracy and supporting the Allies in World War II. The leading figure for the IBME was Bernardo Houssay, an internationally renowned physiologist who had been the head of the University of Buenos Aires' Physiology Department and, in 1947, was the first Latin American to win a Nobel Prize for science. Like Houssay's earlier work, the IBME was funded in part by the Rockefeller Foundation.

The laboratory pictured here contains several identical workstations (lined up on the left), a staple of the distinctive laboratory style Houssay had promulgated amongst Argentine physiology (in this lab, the experiments are done on caged mice, though Houssay often used dogs for his work on the pituitary gland). In lieu of the experienced researchers and expensive equipment that bolstered research in Europe and the U.S., Houssay employed decidedly low-tech equipment in an assembly line style and focused on topics (like endocrinology) that were being eschewed by the world's research powers. Despite pressure from the Rockefeller Foundation to co-opt U.S.-style research methods, Houssay's technique proved effective and several of his best disciples (many of whom worked with him at the IBME) established their own research institutions throughout Argentina, further promulgating Houssay's methodology.

With the election of a democratic government in 1958, the IBME became incorporated into the University of Buenos Aires and, citing Argentina's instability, the Rockefeller Foundation withdrew Houssay's funding. This confluence of events prompted many of his best students to give up their long struggle for Argentine science and leave the country for more stable careers. Houssay, a devoted patriot, remained in Argentina until his death in 1971.

Reference: Cueto, Marcos. "Laboratory Styles in Argentine Physiology." In Isis, vol. 85, no. 2. (June, 1994), p. 228-246.


CITATION: Ariel Barrios Medina, from www.houssay.org.ar

 

DIGITAL ID: 13076

 

Cuban Medical Education

Date: 2010
Owner: Jennifer Janviere
Source Type: Images

 

One of the first national institutions supporting and teaching medicine and research science was the National Center for Scientific Research (CENIC), which employed only twelve scientists in 1965. Yet by the 1990s, over 30,000 Cubans worked in the nation's 200+ research centers, the majority of which focused on health and biomedicine. Cuba also has some of the region's most prestigious medical schools, institutions that attract students from throughout Latin America, the Caribbean, and many more distant developing nations. Pictured here is Havana's Latin American School of Medical Sciences (ELACM) which currently enrolls about 4000 students and offers free education and free room and board to an elite corps of students who would have been otherwise unable to afford medical school.

Today, Cuba's most renowned scientific centers are the institutions in the Western Havana Bio-Cluster, a bio-engineering complex with over fifty distinct institutions. The Finlay Institute was created in 1994 at a cost of 10,000,000 USD and, under the leadership of Concepcion Campa Huergo, produces several drugs including the world's first vaccine against meningitis B. Another institute in the bio-cluster, the Center for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (CIGB), produces drugs (like a cure for diabetic foot ulcer) as well as genetically engineered crops.  As of 2006, the CIGB had filed 117 patents in Cuba.

Cuba's medical institutions are also responsible for popularizing the island's health tourism industry. Centers like the Cira Garcia Clinic, which treats Vitiligo, offer incomparably cheap medical care (and the obvious attractions of Cuba's tropical beaches) for people throughout the world seeking affordable treatments.

The success of Cuba's scientific and medical research and teaching institutions is a rarity among developing nations. Few (if any) countries with its economic restraints have fostered such an internationally respected tradition, a feat that is all the more impressive because the subject of much of their work is in the cutting-edge field of bio-engineering.
 

CITATION: Jennifer Janviere. Latin American School of Medicine, Havana, Cuba. December, 2010.

DIGITAL ID: 12829

 

Facultad de Minas

Date: 1900
Owner: Wikimedia
Source Type: Images

 

The Facultad de Minas of the National University of Colombia is one of several educational institutions in Latin America that were created in order to promote the useful arts, subjects that became increasingly emphasized with the Bourbon reforms of the late eighteenth century and, subsequently, in the late nineteenth century. In Colombia, the idea was to train a corps of skilled workers who could create national wealth by building roads, mining minerals, increasing crop yields, and discovering economically profitable plants that would improve, enrich, and modernize the nation. Frank Safford, an historian of nineteenth century Latin America, has argued that teaching applied science was also a vehicle for instilling an ethos of hard work and morality into the population at large. Yet failure to educate students in research and the basic sciences ensured that they were perpetually one step behind, learning outmoded techniques instead of remaining on the cutting edge. To be sure, only a few countries in the world possess the resources to keep up with modern advances, but Latin American education has been criticized for neglecting research and development, which is a necessary step to joining the world's scientific elite.

Founded in 1887, Colombia's National School of Mines was meant to provide the nation with both technological knowledge and a corps of technocratic men who would lead Colombia into modernity. According to historian Pamela S. Murray, graduates from the School of Mines filled a variety of business and bureaucratic positions while only a small potion of its alumni actually worked in the mining industry. The marked preference for technocratic leaders who could use the practical skills of an engineer to facilitate order and progress on a nationwide scale was very widespread in Latin America and reflected the importance of Auguste Comte's ideas of positivism to the region since the late nineteenth century. Thus from 1922 to 1962, the National School of Mines consistently supplied at least one graduate to the president's cabinet, as well as one elected president and one leader of a military junta. Furthermore, the social and political networks that the school engendered made it an institution that, despite its alleged purpose as a technical school, tied its alumni into a very influential web of business men, officials, and, incidentally, even a few miners.

References: Murray, Pamela S. Dreams of development: Colombia's National School of Mines and its Engineers, 1887-1970. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1997.

Safford, Frank. The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976.

DIGITAL ID: 13077

 

High Altitude Biology

Date: 1942
Owner: Science
Source Type: Publications

 

In this article, Carlos Monge-Medrano described his research on how the low oxygen levels in the Peruvian highlands affect the physiology of both natives and visitors. It was published eleven years after the founding of the Institute of Andean Biology, an internationally recognized institute in high altitude research and one that gave added legitimacy to Peruvian science. Monge's subjects in this article ranged in scope from athletics to psychology, but his primary focus is on the various illnesses caused by oxygen deprivation. When reading this article, think carefully about what Monge is and is not emphasizing about Peru and its inhabitants, considerations that are closely tied to nationalism and prevalent cultural ideas of indigenismo (the promotion of Native American civilization). Also examine his methods and findings in this light.
  
CITATION: Monge, Carlos. "Life in the Andes and Chronic Mountain Sickness." In Science, New Series, Vol. 95, No. 2456 (Jan. 23, 1942), pp. 79-84.

DIGITAL ID: 13078

 

Oswaldo Cruz Institute

Date: 1909
Owner
: Wellcome Library, London
Source Type: Images

The Instituto Oswaldo Cruz was Brazil's first successful scientific institute. The government created the Instituto Seroterapico (Serum Therapy Institute) in 1900 as an attempt to combat the yellow fever and bubonic plague epidemics rampant in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. The institute was placed under the leadership of Dr. Oswaldo Cruz, whose vision, teaching ability, and administrative skills made him a national hero in his lifetime and enabled the Institute (renamed in his honor in 1908) to succeed where all previous Brazilian centers of science had failed.

Unlike the U.S. and Spanish America, Brazil had no universities that could serve to facilitate the growth of successful national science; indeed, Brazil's first major university would not be founded until the 1930s. In lieu of these centers of learning, Brazil attempted to build its medicine and science on scientific institutes yet, prior to Cruz, all efforts to accomplish this--like the Escola Tropicalista Bahiana (examined in the Tropical Medicine topic)-- had failed.

Cruz was able to develop an internationally renowned scientific establishment out of the Instituto Seroterapico's humble beginnings. He created a system that incorporated the most applicable elements of both basic science and applied science, a necessary condition for doing useful work in the short term but setting the foundations for long term improvement. He also employed Brazilian scientists as opposed to European ones, creating a corps of specialists that could produce science that could be consumed locally. The fact that the institute remains one of the leading scientific centers of Brazil bears witness to Cruz's importance to Brazilian science. Whereas earlier scientific centers were ephemeral, Cruz laid the foundations for scientific continuity, an essential element for every nation that hopes to engender local scientific excellence.

Reference: Stepan, Nancy Leys. Beginnings of Brazilian Science: Oswaldo Cruz, Medical Research and Policy, 1890-1920. Sagamore Beach, MA: Watson Publishing International, 1981.
 

CITATION: "Oswaldo Cruz Institute." From: Cruz, Oswaldo. Os servicos de saude publica no Brasil: especialmente na cidade do Rio de Janeiro: de 1808 a 1907. Credit: Wellcome Library, London. L0040958.

DIGITAL ID: 13075

Source References

Publications

Bossert, Tom. "Transformation of Ministries of Health in the Era of Health Reform: The Case of Colombia." Health Policy and Planning. 13:1 (1998): 59-77.

Cueto, Marcos. "Labratory Styles and Argentine Physiology." Isis. 85 (1994): 228-246.

Cueto, Marcos. Excelencia cientifica en la periferia: actividades cientificas e investigacion biomedica en el Peru, 1890-1950. Lima: Concytec, 1989.

Eakin, Marshall C. "The Origins of Modern Science in Costa Rica: The Instituto Fisico-Geografic Nacional, 1887-1904." Latin American Research Review. 34: 1 (1999): 123-150. 

Fortes, Jacqueline and Larissa Lomintz. Becoming a Scientist in Mexico: the Challenge of Creating a Scientific Community in an Underdeveloped Country. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1994.

Glick, Thomas F. "Establishing scientific disciplines in Latin America: genetics in Brazil, 1943-1960." in Mundializacion de la ciencia. pg. 363-375.

Murray, Pamela S. Dreams of development: Colombia's National School of Mines and its Engineers, 1887-1970. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1997.

Murray, Pamela. "Engineering Development: Colombia's National School of Mines, 1887-1930." The Hispanic American Historical Review. 74: 1 (Februaru 1994): 63-82.

Obregon, Diana. "Building National Medicine: Leprosy and Power in Colombia, 1870-1970." Social History of Medicine. 15: 1 (2002), 89-108.

Obregon, Diana. "Lepra, exageracion y autoridad medica." Asclepio. L-2 1998, pp. 131-153.

Quevedo, Emilio and Amarillys Zaldua T. "La Instutcionalizacion de la Medicina en Colombia (primera parte)." Ciencia, Tecnologia y Desarrollo. (Bogota) 12 (1988): 137-221.

Safford, Frank. The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976.

Schwartzman, Simon. "Policies for Higher Education in Latin America: The Context." Higher Education. 25: 1, Higher Education in Latin America (January 1993): 9-20.

Schwartzman, Simon. A Space for Science: The Development of the Scientific Community in Brazil. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991.

Vessuri, Hebe M.C. "The Search for a Scientific Community in Venezuela: From Isolation to Applied Research." Minerva. 22 (1984): 196-235.

Vessuri, Hebe. "Bitter Harvest: The Growth of a Scientific Community in Argentina." In J. Gaillard, V.V. Krishna and R. Waast (eds) Scientific Communities in the Developing World. Part 3: Scientific Communities in Latin America. pp. 307-335. Sage P

Vessuri, Hebe. "O inventamos o erramos." The Power of Science in Latin America. World Development. 18:11 (1990): 1543-1553.

Vessuri, Hebe. "Science for the south in the south: exploring the role of local leadership as a catalyst of scientific development." In: Shinn, Terry ed. Science and Technology in a Developing World. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997. p. 299-321. 

Vessuri, Hebe. "The Universities, Scientific Research and the national interest in Latin America." Minerva. 24 (1986): 1-38.

Vessurri, Hebe. "Higher Education, Science and Engineering in Late 20th Century Latin America: Needs and Opportunities for Co-operation." European Journal of Education. 28: 1 (1993): 49-59.

Teaching the Basic Sciences in Brazil

Date: c. 2011
Owner: UNESCO
Source Type: Images

 

This photograph shows a science class in Brazil. Biology, like physics and chemistry, is considered to be a basic science, research-based work that is instrumental to the development of new innovations. The basic sciences (like the biology seen here) have, however, generally been lacking from Latin American institutions while the focus (since the Bourbon reforms of the late eighteenth century) has been on applied science, or the useful arts, pursuits such as agriculture, engineering, and mining. Although applied sciences are necessary for a country to generate wealth, build infrastructure, and modernize, too much emphasis on them can detract from pure research in the basic sciences. Teaching the basic sciences without the complimentary focus on pure science relegates a country to always being a step behind those countries actively engaging in research.

In the second half of the twentieth century, enrollment at Latin American institutes of higher education began to rise at an incredible rate; whereas 250,000 students attended college or university in 1950, over 6,000,000 enrolled in 1980. In the 1990s, about 25% of all students in higher education sought degrees in technology or engineering, as compared to only 3-4% who worked in the basic sciences. Part of the reason for this discrepancy is that the only jobs available to researchers are for the state because there are few private research institutions that can offer good wages. Nevertheless, students receiving technical training also experience difficulties finding employment; there are simply not enough jobs for everyone in engineering and the other practical sciences. Thus the goal of teaching applied science to improve the economy is often unachievable because the economy is not strong enough to employ those same specialists.

Reference: Vessurri, Hebe. "Higher Education, Science and Engineering in Late 20th Century Latin America: Needs and Opportunities for Co-operation." In European Journal of Education, Vol. 28, no. 1 (1993), p. 49-59.


CITATION: Science education in Brazil, 2011. Image copyright UNESCO Brazil.

DIGITAL ID: 12822

 

UNAM

Date: 2006
Owner: Regis Lachaume
Source Type: Images

 

The main library at UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico) was built by architect Juan O'Gorman in 1953 using mosaics to display pre-Colombian motifs. Since its creation in 1910, the National University has been the leading institution in Mexico for both scientific research and the general intellectual community. Not only do the plurality of university students attend UNAM, but it is also the single largest employer of full time researchers; in 1974, about 17% of all Mexican researchers worked for this university. UNAM is thus an incredibly influential institution with the capacity to both shape the research interests of students and, through funding and hiring decisions, influence the direction of research.

UNAM exerts an almost gravitational pull on Mexican scientific and intellectual life, concentrating them in Mexico City and, significantly, in public institutions. Public universities dominate Mexican education and scientific research, thus government funding is able (to a certain degree) to direct the ends to which science is applied. Private scientific institutions, like Argentina's Instituto de Biologia, have far more autonomy.

While the National University has the potential to influence Mexican intellectuals, very few Mexicans are in a position to be swayed by state funded education. In the 1980s, only 2% of all Mexicans were university educated. This library itself is indeed a relative rarity in Mexico; in 1980, there were only 300 libraries in the entire country and, like universities, many of these were located at the governmental center: Mexico City.

Reference: Camp, Roderic A. Intellectuals and the State in Twentieth-Century Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985.
   

CITATION: Biblioteca central de la Universidad Autonoma de Mexico en Ciudad Universitaire en Mexico, D.F. 11/21/2006. Public Domain.

DIGITAL ID: 13073